By Geert De Neve, Maya Unnithan-Kumar
Via an 'ethnography of ethnographers', this quantity explores the various ways that anthropologists develop into and stay interested in the self-discipline. The members give some thought to the preliminary preconceptions, assumptions and expectancies of themselves as younger anthropologists and at the ways that early judgements are made approximately fieldwork and in regards to the number of box destinations. They query how fieldworkers come to appreciate what anthropology is, either as a occupation and as a private adventure, via their commitments within the box, in educational departments and in contexts the place their 'specialist wisdom' is termed upon and utilized. They talk about the character of reflexivity that emerges out of anthropological practices, and the ways that this reflexivity impacts ethnographic practices. offering reflections on fieldwork in such various areas as Alaska, Melanesia, long island and India, the amount seriously displays at the box as a culturally developed website, with blurred limitations that let the non-public and the pro to permeate one another. It addresses the 'politics of position' that form the anthropologists' involvement in 'the field', in educating rooms, in improvement tasks and in activist engagements. The trips defined expand past 'the box' and into inter-disciplinary tasks, commissions, faculties and private spheres. those unique and important contributions supply attention-grabbing insights into the connection among anthropologists and the character of the self-discipline.
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Extra info for Critical Journeys: The Making of Anthropologists
Sample text
Becoming socialized – the slow burn While I was working for ICAS, Raymond Neakok, Sr. was the Tribal Council member with responsibility for ICAS’ involvement with the Indian Child Welfare Act. Passed in 1978, the law recognized that the interests of Native American children were not met by taking them from their families and putting them into foster homes or children’s homes that had little engagement with the children’s own cultures. Legally speaking, this meant that the Tribal Government had to be notified whenever the State proposed to take custody of a child.
I’m not the great hunter, my wife is”: Iñupiat and anthropological models of gender’, Études/Inuit/Studies, 12(1-2)(1990): 55–74. _____, ‘Public places; private spaces: public and private revisited on the North Slope of Alaska’ in Bender B. ), Landscape: politics and perspectives (Oxford: Berg, 1993). , HovelsrudBroda G. and Kishigami N. (eds), The social economy of sharing: resource allocation and modern hunter/gatherers (Osaka, Japan: SENRI Ethnological Studies 53, 2000). _____, ‘Sharing costs: an exploration of personal and individual property, equalities and differentiation’, in Widlok T.
The question is made even more complex if we accept that considerable cultural variations exist among long-standing national traditions of ethnology, such as the German, French, British, American, and so on. A second paradox relates to how we deal with the assumptions lying behind our disciplinary practices. The importance of fieldwork is not generally in doubt (though see Allen 2000). But is it so fundamental that it is actually taken for granted? In recent years we have been keener to anatomise such issues as the notion of culture or ‘the anthropologist as author’ than we have been to examine the role of the fieldworker (Gupta and Ferguson 1997:1).